PERCEPTIONS AND ATTITUDES OF MISSISSIPPI
DELTA RESIDENTS
By Stephen D. Shaffer, Department of
Political
Science and
Research Associate, Social Science
Research Center
Mississippi and other southern
states often
were viewed as having traditionalistic political and social cultures
resistant
to change. In such cultures, a
socially
advantaged class of higher socioeconomic status whites wields political
power
directed towards protecting the status quo rather than towards
implementing
needed social programs to help disadvantaged citizens. The mass of citizens, lower
socioeconomic
status whites and blacks, are essentially powerless groups not expected to
be
active in political matters (Elazar, 1984: 118-122). The Mississippi Delta often is viewed as the seat of
Mississippi's traditionalistic culture (Krane and Shaffer,
forthcoming). In examining the political conflict
between
Mississippi Delta and "hills" residents in the first half of the
century, V.O. Key cited the popular image of the state as a "backward
culture, with a ruling class both unskilled and neglectful of its
duties." He also termed the
state's politics one of "frustration not only because of the race
question
... [but because] the state is miserably poor" (Key, 1949:
229-253).
In this chapter the political and
social
attitudes of Delta residents are examined with the most comprehensive and
representative public opinion poll conducted in that region to date. It is critically important to examine
people's perceptions of and attitudes toward their social, economic, and
political environment, since such orientations shape their behavior in
making
contributions to their community or decisions to relocate. Given the historical image of the
Delta's traditionalistic
culture, it is especially interesting to examine the extent to which
public
opinion by the late 1980s reflected or contradicted this traditionalistic
image. We now turn to an
examination of
the attitudes of a number of Delta social groups toward their community,
social
environment, race relations, public spending programs, and political
reform.
ATTACHMENT
TO THE COMMUNITY
Southerners are generally happier
to be
living in their states and communities than are non-southerners (Black and
Black, 1987: 221-229). Delta
citizens
reflect this regional pride, being relatively satisfied with the overall
quality of life in their community and fairly attached to their
community. Thirty‑four percent say they will
definitely be living in their community five years from now, and 41% say
they
probably will. Only 7% say they
definitely will not be living in their community in five years, and 18%
say
probably not. Yet Delta citizens
are
somewhat less attached to their communities than are people in the rest of
the
state. Outside of the Delta, 39%
say
they definitely will be living in their community in five years and 44%
say
they probably will be in contrast to 7% who say definitely not and 11%
probably
not. Thus, Delta citizens are
about 8%
more likely than other Mississippians to indicate an intention to move
from
their community within the near future.
Another indicator of community
attachment
is personal reaction to departure from the community. Once again, Delta citizens demonstrate significant
attachment to
their communities, though to a lesser degree than other
Mississippians. Thirty‑four percent indicate they
would be very sorry to leave their community and 29% somewhat sorry, while
only
6% say they would be very pleased and 8% somewhat pleased to leave. To 23%, it would not make any
difference. Community attachment
is
even higher outside of the Delta, as 40% of non‑Delta citizens would
be
very sorry to leave their communities and 31% somewhat sorry in contrast
to 7%
who would be very pleased and 5% somewhat pleased to leave. Seventeen percent say it wouldn't make
any
difference. Hence, the percentage
of
citizens who would be sorry to leave their communities is 8% greater
outside
the Delta region.
Nationally, job satisfaction is a
major
source of satisfaction with one's community and general way of life
(Michalos,
1986, 62; Campbell, Converse, Rodgers, 1976: 317). Job satisfaction also is
extremely important to Mississippians, the primary reason given for
considering relocation being to find a better job. Fifty percent of Delta citizens cited employment improvement
as a
reason for leaving their community.
Yet
the need to attract industry offering higher paying jobs is not confined
to the
Delta in that 53% of non‑Delta citizens also cited better jobs as a
reason for relocation. Among
other
reasons given by Delta residents for relocating were personal safety
(cited by
8%), and the desire for better schools and more recreational opportunities
(cited by 7% each). Twenty eight
percent concluded that they would not relocate for any reason.
One reason that some Delta residents
would like to relocate may be related to their socially disadvantaged
status. Delta residents who are
black
or who have lower incomes appear less attached to their communities than
are
whites or higher income groups.
Greater black discontent with their communities is not unique to
the
Delta, however; it is found across Mississippi and in most northern states
(Black and Black, 1987: 226-227).[1] Thirty‑five percent of Delta
blacks
and 33% of non‑Delta blacks say they plan to relocate in five years,
compared to only 18% of Delta whites and 12% of non‑Delta whites
(table
1). While 69% of Delta whites and
75%
of non‑Delta whites say they would be sorry to leave their
communities, a
more modest 54% of Delta blacks and 62% of non‑Delta blacks say they
would be sorry to leave. A desire
for
better jobs is a special concern for blacks, as 56% both inside and
outside of
the Delta say they would leave for a better job in contrast to a more
modest
44% of Delta whites and 51% of non‑Delta whites.
A related factor encouraging
relocation
is poverty, which appears especially important in the Delta compared to
the
rest of the state. While family
income
is not related to expected movement out of the community in the rest of
the
state, it is a significant factor in the Delta. Thirty‑two percent of the families with incomes below
$10,000 a year expect to leave their Delta communities within five years,
compared
to only 18% of those families making more than $20,000 a year. Yet, regardless of income level, Delta
residents would be equally sorry to have to depart. The major reason Delta residents give for expected
relocation
once again is to find a better job, cited as a reason for leaving by 47%
of the
under $10,000 income group, 52% of the $10,000‑$20,000 group, and
57% of
the over $20,000 income group.
While
not specifically examined in this study, satisfaction with one's house was
found a major source of community satisfaction in national studies,
suggesting
that the poor housing structures of lower income Delta residents may be an
important impetus for geographic relocation (Campbell, Converse, Rodgers,
1976:
261-265). Another reason for relocating is greater opportunities, a
motivation of the socially advantaged and disadvantaged. An important concern for Delta citizens
has
to be the possible departure of the younger generation. Fifty‑seven percent between the
ages
of 18 and 30 expect to relocate in the next five years, a figure far
greater
than the 39% similarly inclined young adults in the rest of the
state. Other age groups appear far more
satisfied
with their communities, as only 16% of Delta residents between ages 31 and
60
and 10% of residents over age 60 expect to relocate in five years. Only 37% of 18-30 year old Delta
residents
say they would be sorry to leave, significantly fewer than the 62% in the
rest
of the state. Once again, older
age
groups express more attachment to their communities, as 69% of Delta
residents
between 31‑60 and 77% over 60 would be sorry to leave. The key motivation for young people to
leave
the Delta, and the rest of Mississippi, once again is better jobs. Seventy‑two percent of Delta
adults
under age 30 (and 70% of young adults in the rest of the state) cite
better
jobs as the reason for moving.
Nationally, high school seniors are placing increased emphasis on
job
security, status, and income, due to a growing concern over their
diminishing
hope of attaining a high enough living standard to support their goals of
marriage and family (Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley, 1986: 215-234). Jobs are also a major concern of the
more
intermediate age group (59% of Delta residents in the 31‑60 age
group
cited jobs), though not of older residents (Only 7% of Delta residents
over 60
mentioned jobs as a reason for leaving their communities.).
In addition to the young, those with
some
college education appear very concerned about maximizing their
opportunities,
though the high aspirations of the well educated are equally evident
across the
state. Among Delta residents,
twenty‑six
percent of the college educated express a likelihood of moving from their
communities in five years, compared to a more modest 19% of high school
dropouts. In the rest of Mississippi, 23% of the
college educated are likely to be moving compared to only 12% of high
school
dropouts. While 68% of Delta high
school dropouts would be sorry to leave their communities, a somewhat
lower 63%
of Delta residents with some college would be.
Once again the key motivation for departure is better jobs, a
reason
cited by 62% of both the Delta and non‑Delta college educated group
in
contrast to a more modest 41% of high school dropouts in both
regions. Greater disillusionment of the college
educated with their community relative to the less educated also reflects
a
national phenomenon (Black and Black, 1987: 228-229). It may reflect the process of formal education, which
sharpens
critical reasoning skills and raises people's expectations.
Given the state's traditional history
of
racial segregation and discrimination, it is important to examine
attitudes of
blacks more fully. Figure 1
details the
results of a recursive path analysis (using multiple regression) with race
as
the "earliest" predictor and education, income, and age as
intervening variables seeking to explain intended departure from the
community. Despite the history of
racial discrimination, blacks do not appear motivated to leave
their
Delta communities for unique, racially identifiable reasons. The key reason for greater black than
white
intended emigration appears to be the higher black than white birth rate,
resulting in the presence of greater numbers of young blacks, the young of
both
races being especially likely to consider moving in order to find a better
job. A second source of greater
black
than white emigration is the disproportionate number of low income blacks
compared to whites, since lower income groups regardless of race are more
likely
to express an intent to move away from their
community.
To summarize, Delta residents, both
black
and white, are significantly attached to their communities and would
generally
be sorry to have to leave; greater job opportunities would be especially
helpful in keeping them from moving out of their communities. Despite economic and social problems
facing
Delta citizens, they are only modestly less attached to their communities
than
those in the rest of the state. A
major
concern is the possible departure of the younger generation, as the
18‑30
age group was the only social group in which a majority indicated an
intention
to leave their community within the next five years. Indeed, age appears to dwarf other factors as a predictor of
intended emigration, as age exerts more influence than race, income, or
education (figure 1). Other
social
groups somewhat less attached to their communities are the poor, blacks,
and
college educated. Public attitudes
clearly support efforts to attract industries that would provide higher
paying
jobs to Delta citizens, industries which would benefit all Delta
residents.
GENERAL
SOCIAL ATTITUDES
The decision to relocate also may be
affected by people's general attitudes toward their lives, so it is
important
to examine these general perceptions and attitudes. People in the Delta region are generally satisfied with
their
lives, though they express some concern about the trustworthiness of
public
officials like Mississippians across the state.
Twenty‑eight percent of Delta
residents say their lives are very happy and 52% say they are pretty
happy,
while 20% say that they are not too happy.
While personally satisfied with their lives, Delta residents are
somewhat less satisfied with their financial situations than are other
Mississippians. Twenty five
percent of
Delta residents say they are dissatisfied with their personal finances
compared
to only 17% of residents in the rest of the state. Nevertheless, thirty‑nine percent of Delta residents
indicate they are pretty well satisfied with their financial situations,
and
36% say they are more or less satisfied.
Once again certain groups are less
satisfied with their personal situations than are others. In the Delta, blacks, high school
dropouts,
and those with family incomes under $10,000 are more likely unhappy with
their
lives than are whites and higher socioeconomic status groups. Twenty‑seven percent of Delta
residents who are high school dropouts, 25% of blacks, and 23% of the
under
$10,000 income group say that they are unhappy, compared to only 16% of
whites,
15% of those with some college education, and 9% of those with family
incomes
over $20,000 (table 2). These
sources
of discontent are not unique to Delta residents, however. Outside of the Delta region, 30% of
blacks,
24% of the under $10,000 income group, and 23% of high school dropouts
also
indicate relative dissatisfaction with their lives. Racial minority and lower socioeconomic status discontent
also
exists throughout the nation, as studies have consistently found blacks
and
lower income groups significantly more dissatisfied with their lives than
whites and higher income groups (Thomas and Hughes, 1986: 836; Campbell,
Converse, Rodgers, 1976: 136-141, 345, 464; Clemente and Sauer, 1976:
627-629). A more unexpected finding is the
slightly
greater personal unhappiness of elderly Delta residents, since national
studies
find the elderly tend to report more satisfaction with their lives than
young
adults (Herzog and Rodgers, 1986: 235; Campbell, Converse, Rodgers, 1976:
151-164; Clemente and Sauer, 1976: 628).
Given the history of race relations in
the
Delta, it is important to more carefully examine race to seek to explain
why
blacks report less personal happiness than whites. Figure 2 details a recursive path analysis with race as the
earliest predictor and job satisfaction (operationalized by mention or
non-mention of "to get a better job" as a reason for intended
departure from the community) and income as intervening predictors seeking
to explain
personal happiness. National
studies
find race differences in people's satisfaction with the quality of their
lives
persist even after adjusting for the lower socioeconomic status of blacks
(Thomas and Hughes, 1986: 836; Campbell, Converse, Rodgers, 1976:
464). While Mississippi Delta blacks remain
less
happy with their lives than whites after similar adjustments, racial
differences narrow to such an extent to become statistically
insignificant. The primary reason Delta blacks are
less
happy than whites is their disproportionate number with lower incomes than
whites. Lower income people,
regardless
of race, report less personal happiness than higher income groups. An additional but weaker source of
black
disillusionment with life is their lower job satisfaction than
whites.
A more pressing problem concerns the
disillusionment of some groups of Delta residents with their financial
situations. Thirty‑nine
percent
of blacks, 29% of those under 30 years of age, and 39% of the under
$10,000 family
income group are dissatisfied with their personal financial situations
(table
2). This dissatisfaction compares
to
only 15% of whites, 18% of those over 60, and 11% of the over $20,000
income
group. While similar patterns for
race
and income exist throughout the state, the disillusionment is especially
evident for these demographic groups in the Delta. For example, outside of the Delta region more modest numbers
of
blacks (22%), those under 30 (12%), and the under $10,000 income group
(23%)
express dissatisfaction with their financial situations. The significant number of young adults
who
are dissatisfied with their finances is especially troublesome since it
reinforces our earlier findings that this group is most likely to want to
move
out of their communities in search of greater opportunities.
Another problem facing the Delta
region
and the rest of the state is the feeling of distrust that many
Mississippians
feel towards their neighbors and towards public officials in
particular. Only 31% of Delta residents feel most
people
can be trusted, while 60% say that "you can't be too careful in
dealing
with people", and 9% give other responses. Public officials are especially distrusted, as only 7% of
Delta
residents say that they can almost always trust public officials in their
community to do what is right, and 29% say they can trust them most of the
time. In contrast, a sizable 47%
feel
public officials can be trusted only some of the time, and 17% feel they
can
rarely be trusted. These figures
merely mirror the apprehensions people throughout the state have toward
public
officials. Outside of the Delta,
similar percentages indicate that officials can rarely be trusted (14%),
and
can be trusted only some of the time (45%).
Six percent say they always trust officials, and 34% trust them
most of
the time.
Mississippians of lower socioeconomic
status are especially distrustful of officials and people in general. In the Delta, 73% of blacks, 70% of
high school
dropouts, and 67% of the under $10,000 income group feel you can't be too
careful in dealing with people in contrast to only 49% of whites and those
with
at least some college education, and 43% of those earning over $20,000 a
year. Regarding public officials, 22% of
Delta
blacks, high school dropouts, and under $10,000 income group say that
public
officials can rarely be trusted, compared to only 14% of whites, 12% of
college
educated, and 13% of the over $20,000 income group. These patterns once again are not unique to the Delta; lower
socioeconomic status people across the state express similar views about
the
public officials and other people in their communities.
Delta blacks report less satisfaction
with
their financial situations, and less trust of public officials and people
in
general in contrast to whites, but is that because of their lower incomes
and
educational levels, or because of the fact they are black? Multiple regression analyses
controlling for
possible explanatory factors yield conflicting results. On the one hand, their lower income is
the
key explanation why blacks are less satisfied with their financial
situation
than are whites (data not shown).
Yet
the lower educational and income levels of blacks compared to whites only
partially explain why blacks are less trustful of public officials and
people
in general. The partial regression
coefficients reflecting the impact of race on distrust of public officials
and
on people in general remain substantively and statistically significant
after
socioeconomic status controls are introduced.
Greater black distrust of people in general is hardly unique to the
Mississippi Delta, however, as national studies find a similar
relationship
even after controlling for socioeconomic status factors (Thomas and
Hughes,
1986: 836-838; Campbell, Converse, Rodgers, 1976: 455-464).
To summarize, Delta residents are
generally
satisfied with their lives and somewhat satisfied with their standard of
living. Like other Mississippians
they
have reservations about the actions of public officials. Lower socioeconomic status people,
including blacks, express less satisfaction with their lives, financial
situation, and public officials than do higher socioeconomic status
groups,
however. The key concern of young
adults in the Delta is with improving their financial situations,
situations
which may motivate some to relocate to communities they believe offer more
opportunities.
RACE
RELATIONS
Historically, race was a major
preoccupation in Mississippi and the South, as these traditional cultures
sought to maintain white supremacy in political and social matters. This situation is documented in V.O.
Key's
(1949: 229) Southern
Politics:
"... the beginning and the end of Mississippi politics is the
Negro." Some assert that the fundamental
situation
has not changed much, as shown by the title of Lamis' (1984: 44) chapter
on
contemporary Mississippi in The Two-Party South: "Mississippi:
It's
All Black and White." Others
argue
important improvements were made in race relations in the state in recent
years
(Bass and DeVries, 1977: 187; Krane and Shaffer, forthcoming). Hence, it is important to examine
briefly
the attitudes of different groups of Delta residents toward race relations
to
determine how relations between the races changed in recent years to
contribute
to an improved quality of life in the region.
Most Delta residents believe there
were
improvements in race relations.
Seventy‑one
percent say opportunities for blacks to get ahead improved in the last
five
years, while 19% say they've remained the same and 10% indicate they've
gotten
worse, responses very similar to those existing statewide. Yet attitudes toward the future are
somewhat
more restrained. Sixty two percent
believe opportunities for blacks will improve, 25% say they will remain
the
same, and 13% believe they will get worse.
The greater pessimism of Delta residents is evident when one
considers
that only 5% of residents in the rest of the state believe that black
opportunities will get worse in the next five years. Despite improvements in race relations, many residents
believe
equality in job opportunity has yet to be attained. While 60% of Delta residents agree with the statement:
"blacks have as good a chance as white people to get any kind of
job," some 40% agree with the alternative statement: "white
people
have the first chance at any kind of job." A similarly large 37% of Mississippians in the remainder of
the state
believe that opportunities are unequal.
Delta residents who appear most
sensitive
to inadequate opportunities for blacks are blacks themselves, women, young
adults, and lower income people.
Racial
polarization is quite evident on the question of whether equal job
opportunities exist for both races, as 67% of blacks say "no"
while
80% of whites say "yes" (table 3).
This racial polarization is also quite evident across the
state. Similar percentages of blacks outside
of the
Delta felt that job equality did not exist (68%) in contrast to
non‑Delta
whites who felt it did (74%).
While a
majority of Delta blacks felt opportunities for blacks had improved (53%)
and
would continue to improve (56%), 17% felt that things had gotten worse and
16%
said they would continue to get worse (Among Delta whites, 85% felt
opportunities had improved and only 4% felt they had gotten worse; 65%
were
similarly optimistic about the future while 11% were not.). The lower incomes and lower trust in
people
held by Delta blacks in contrast to Delta whites account for their
expectations
of fewer future minority opportunities.
Perceptual and demographic factors were unable to account for race
differences in perceptions of equal job opportunities and recent changes
in
minority opportunities.[2] Hence, an important source of
perceived
racial discrimination and limited opportunities for minorities is
"being
black in a society which is only beginning to accord blacks equal
recognition
as citizens and neighbors" (Campbell, Converse, Rodgers, 1976:
464).
Other group differences were less
striking. Young adults appeared
more
sensitive to possible racial discrimination, as 40% of Delta residents
under
age 30 indicated job opportunities were unequal (compared to 32% of those
over
age 60). Lower income groups also
were
more concerned in that 48% of Delta residents with incomes under $10,000
volunteered that job opportunities were unequal in contrast to only 32% of
those with incomes over $20,000.
Lower
income Delta residents also were less likely to feel opportunities for
blacks
had improved and would continue to improve than were upper income
residents. While sex differences
did
not exist on perception of current job discrimination, women were less
likely
to feel opportunities for blacks had improved and would continue to
improve (A
more modest 66% of women felt opportunities had improved compared to 78%
of
men; 56% of women felt things would continue to improve, compared to 68%
of
men.). Contrasted to all other
Delta
residents, full‑time workers were most likely to perceive unequal
opportunities for the races in employment, as 47% said opportunities were
unequal compared to 33% of all other groups (retired, housewives,
part‑time
workers, students, etc.) who felt opportunities were not equal.
One barrier to continued progress in
race
relations that merits examination is the possible persistence of
segregationist
attitudes among certain social groups.
When asked about attitudes toward school integration, 75% of Delta
residents said that "white and black students should go to the same
schools", while 18% said they should go to "separate
schools"
and 7% gave other responses. The
significance of this overwhelming support for the general concept of
school
integration is reduced when one considers that only 10% of residents
outside of
the Delta supported school segregation.
Furthermore, significant numbers of Delta whites (30%) compared to
Delta
blacks (only 4%), and Delta residents over 60 years of age (35%) compared
to
those age 30 and under (only 5%) supported segregated schools (table
4). Finally, while many whites say they
support
the general concept of integration, some may simply be expressing what
they
believe has become the socially desirable response rather than their
actual opinions. Fewer Delta whites appear willing to
make a
personal commitment to accomplish integration, as thirty‑seven
percent
said that they would object to sending their children to a school where
more
than half of the children were black.
Another type of integration examined
was
residence. Even as late as 1988,
31% of
Delta residents agreed with the following statement designed to measure
latent
segregationist sentiments: "Whites have a right to keep blacks from
moving
into their neighborhoods if they want to, and blacks should respect that
right." Segregationist
sentiment
is less evident in the rest of the state where 23% of residents support
the
segregationist statement. Once
again,
older people and whites are more segregationist than blacks and the
young. Thirty‑seven percent of Delta
whites
and 38% of those over age 60 agree with the segregationist statement,
compared
to only 23% of blacks and 20% of young adults under age 30. Clearly, younger Mississippians who
have
grown up in an integrated society are more supportive of equal
opportunities
for minorities than are older residents who grew up under Jim Crow
laws.
As a final overview of the past and
future of the Delta region, it is interesting to re‑examine regional
as
well as generational differences.
Apparently, the past political and social culture of the Delta led
both
races to be less supportive of racial integration compared to residents in
the
rest of the state.
Fifty‑nine
percent of Delta whites support integrated neighborhoods, compared to 68%
of
non‑Delta whites.
Sixty‑six
percent of Delta whites support integrated schools compared to 82% of
non‑Delta
whites. While more blacks in the
Delta
compared to whites support integration, blacks outside of the Delta are
even
more supportive of integration. A
more
modest 77% of Delta blacks support integrated neighborhoods compared to
91% of
non‑Delta blacks.
Eighty‑seven
percent of Delta blacks support integrated schools, compared to 95% of
non‑Delta
blacks. The lower level of public
support for racial integration in the Delta persists even after adjusting
for
the greater numbers of more segregationist elderly and high school
dropouts
living there compared to the rest of the state (figure 3).[3] The future appears brighter in the area
of
race relations when one considers that the sentiment for integration is
strongest among the young and well educated, and weakest among the elderly
and
high school dropouts, suggesting that generational change will continue to
transform social and political attitudes.
SPENDING
ON PUBLIC PROGRAMS
After detailing some of the problems
facing
the Mississippi Delta region, it is informative to learn that Delta
residents
are very supportive of state and local governmental spending to help solve
some
of those problems. Delta residents
are
very supportive of increased spending on public education at the
elementary,
secondary, and college and university levels.
When cautioned that "most of the money government spends comes
from
the taxes you and others pay," and then asked whether state and local
government in Mississippi should be spending more, less, or about the same
as
now, strong majorities of Delta residents supported increased spending on
education.[4] Three quarters of those interviewed
felt
more should be spent on public grade schools and high schools (78%) and
public
colleges and universities (74%).
When
asked about their school districts in particular, 43% said taxpayers were
spending too little to educate students, while 42% said about the right
amount
was being spent and 15% said too much was being spent.
Delta residents support for
improving
education was so widespread it was evident in all social groups
examined. Support was highest among more liberal
groups, though it was also very strong among more conservative
groups. While 87% of blacks, 84% of Democratic
party
identifiers, and 82% of self‑identified "liberals" felt
that
more should be spent on public elementary and secondary education, so too
did
74% of conservatives, 71% of whites, and 65% of Republicans (table
5). Increased spending on higher education was supported by 88%
of
blacks and 78% of Democratic identifiers in contrast to somewhat lower but
significant support from whites (63%) and Republican identifiers
(55%). While all age and gender groups
supported improving
education, women and young adults were especially supportive, suggesting
some
self-interest at work. Eighty
percent
of women supported spending more on higher education (compared to 67% of
men);
and 54% of women felt that taxpayers spent too little on education in
their
school district (compared to 30% of men).
While only 29% of those over age 60 felt that too little was spent
on
education in their districts, a significant 48% of those under age 30 felt
that
too little was spent. This
overwhelming
public support for improving education also has been found nationally,
where
the quality of local public schools is believed to be one of the most
critically important sources of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with one's
community (Campbell, Converse, Rodgers, 1976: 261-265, 506).
Delta residents are equally
supportive of
spending on streets and highways and efforts to attract industry which
would
provide better paying jobs.
Seventy‑eight
percent of Delta citizens felt state and local governments should spend
more on
streets and highways and 76% felt those governments should spend more on
industrial growth and development.
Once
again, support for increased spending in both areas was widespread across
all
social groups; it never falls below 60%.
For example, while 85% of self-identified liberals, 83% of
self-identified Democrats, 86% of blacks, and 84% of high school dropouts
said
that more should be spent on streets and highways, so too did 74% of
self-identified
conservatives, 72% of self-identified Republicans, 73% of whites, and 67%
of
those with some college education.
Residents of the Delta also are very
supportive of increased state and local spending on programs for the poor
and
health care and hospitals, reflecting their self-interest. Seventy‑four percent support
increased
spending on health care and hospitals, while 65% support increased
spending on
programs for the poor. Reflecting
the
increased incidence of poverty in the Delta, residents who support
increased
funding on poverty programs (65%) exceed the 57% for non‑Delta
residents
who support more spending for poverty programs.
Very clear differences in opinions
about
these human resource programs exist between different social groups. More liberal and lower socioeconomic
status
groups are significantly more supportive of increased spending on poverty
and
health care programs than are more conservative and higher status
groups. Regarding poverty programs, 76% of
self-identified liberals, 79% of self-identified Democrats, 90% of blacks,
73%
of high school dropouts, and 88% of those with incomes under $10,000 say
state
and local governments should be spending more.
On the other hand, more modest figures of 56% of self-identified
conservatives,
41% of self-identified Republicans, 47% of whites, 56% of those with some
college, and 40% of those with incomes over $20,000 indicate more should
be
spent on poverty programs. On
health
care programs, 81% of self-identified liberals, 87% of the under $10,000
income
group, and 86% of self-identified Democrats, blacks, and high school
dropouts
say spend more, while more modest figures of 61% of conservatives, 45% of
Republicans, 65% of whites, 64% of college educated, and 55% of the over
$20,000 income groups say spend more.
Young people are also a voice for change, as among those under 30,
75%
support spending more on health care and 76% want to spend more on poverty
programs, compared to 67% and 57% respectively of those over 60.
Yet
another priority is improved child day care facilities, which is a greater
priority in the Delta than in the rest of the state. Fifty‑nine percent of the Delta residents feel the
state
and local governments should spend more on day care facilities, while 28%
say
spend the same amount and 13% say spend less.
In the rest of the state, a more modest 48% feel that more should
be
spent, while 38% say spend the same and 14% say spend less. Once again, more self-identified
liberal and
lower socioeconomic status groups are especially supportive of day care
spending,
as are 83% of blacks, 77% of those with incomes under $10,000, 69% of
self-identified Democrats, and 63% of high school dropouts. Only 36% of self-identified
Republicans, 38%
of whites, 54% of the college educated, and 47% of those with incomes over
$20,000 income group expressed support for increased spending. Women are more supportive than men of
increased spending on day care with 67% of the former and 49% of the
latter
supportive, perhaps because so many women head single parent households.
The greater willingness of women to
spend
more than men on child care and other social programs may reflect an
emerging
gender gap in Mississippi politics, one similar to that which exists
nationally
in which women have more liberal political opinions generally than do men
(Poole and Zeigler, 1985).
Many of the factors related to
increased
support for social welfare programs like poverty, health care, and day
care
programs are themselves interrelated, so it is important to attempt to
disentangle their differing effects on support for government
spending. Figure 4 illustrates how the most
change-oriented groups in the Mississippi Delta are the more socially
disadvantaged citizens. The
greatest
support for increased spending to alleviate poverty is found among the
young,
lower income, and black citizenry.
More
health care funding is especially sought by the lower income, less
educated,
and Democratic party identifiers of both races. Blacks and women are most supportive of increased funding
for day
care programs. Ironically,
however,
these are groups that historically have been less politically active than
the
more socially advantaged groups, leading to national concerns that public
policy may fail to adequately reflect the opinions of the disadvantaged
(Verba
and Nie, 1972).
Delta residents also support more
spending for police forces, but express less widespread support for
programs
such as protecting the environment, promoting tourism, and funding the
prison
system. Regarding police forces,
64%
feel more money should be spent on them, while 29% feel the same should be
spent, and 7% feel less should be spent.
Fifty‑six percent support spending more on environmental
programs,
33% say spend the same amount, and 11% spend less. Fifty‑five percent of Delta residents want to spend
more to
encourage tourism, while 29% want to spend the same amount and 16% prefer
to
spend less. The lowest spending
priority for Delta residents is jail and prison facilities, where
increased
spending is supported by only 48%.
While Delta residents support
increased
funding for specific public programs, they are less supportive of general
tax
increases for unspecified public programs.
When asked the following question‑- "In order to
increase
spending on education and raise teachers' salaries to the Southeast
average,
the legislature will have to raise taxes or cut spending on other
programs. What would you
support‑
raising taxes, cutting other programs, or doing some of
both?"‑-
Delta residents are very flexible. Only
13% feel taxes should be raised, and only 23% feel other programs should
be
cut. The great majority want to do
some
of both (56%). These data suggest
people may feel they lack sufficient detailed information to make such
decisions, and they would accept necessary sacrifices decided by political
leaders provided that they were clearly and carefully justified to them.
Our survey data from the Delta and
the
remainder of the state reflect little public support for a key component
of the
state's traditional political culture outlined earlier-- support for a
weak
government dedicated to the preservation of the status quo (Elazar, 1984:
118-119). Instead, Delta residents
generally are very supportive of improving their communities by increased
government funding of education, economic development, and social welfare
programs. A major goal of
political
leaders who support such programs is to fully inform the public about the
need
for increased taxes to pay for such improvements. One important barrier to such investment decisions
discussed
earlier is the relatively high level of public cynicism toward public
officials. Some residents (such as
Republicans) will be receptive to the argument that increased taxes are
not
required until the alleged waste and fraud in government are eliminated.
POLITICAL
REFORM
Delta residents support other
political
reform measures as well, but in many instances public opinion is more
divided
and many residents lack opinions.
Opinions
are divided on the issue of women's role in society with 43% agreeing with
the
statement: "Women should take care of running their homes, and leave
running the country up to men," and a modest 57% disagreeing with
that
statement. Generational and
educational
differences are especially noticeable on the role of women in
society. While 70% of the Delta residents under
age
30 disagree with the statement restricting women's roles in society,
opinions
are reversed among those over age 60, where 60% agree with the statement
(table
6). A similar pattern emerges for
education, as 65% of those with at least some college but only 40% of high
school dropouts disagree with the statement.
As one might expect, gender is also a factor, as 63% of women
disagree
with the statement compared to only 50% of men. While support for women's
rights is more limited in the Mississippi Delta compared to the rest of
the
country, a similar situation exists throughout the state of
Mississippi. The data suggest that while strides
have
been made in civil rights in recent decades, the cause of women's rights
has a
greater distance to travel.
Delta residents provide relatively
greater
support for the concept of labor unions, approved of by 57% while 30%
disapprove. Lower socioeconomic
status
groups are especially supportive of labor unions: blacks (77%), those with
incomes under $10,000 (71%), women (69%), and those under age 30
(75%). On the other hand, only 37% of
self-identified Republicans, 41% of whites, 36% of those over age 60, 43%
of
those with incomes over $20,000, and 46% of men express approval.
Despite the overall support for
political
reform and improved governmental programs found in this report, public
apathy
is a major barrier to implementation of such programs. For example, only 9% of Delta residents
supported the county beat system and 20% the county unit system, while a
substantial 71% indicated they never heard about the issue or had no
opinions
about it. Lower socioeconomic
status
groups were especially likely to lack opinions on the issue. Eighty‑three percent of blacks,
78% of
those under age 30, 83% of high school dropouts and 83% of those with
incomes
under $10,000, and 78% of women (a group having lower incomes than men)
lacked
opinions, compared to more modest levels of 63% for whites, 70% of those
over
60, 61% of the college educated, 50% of those over $20,000, and 63% of
men. As such, on this issue the
higher
socioeconomic status citizens were more likely to favor the county unit
system,
suggesting that people gained greater appreciation for the unit system as
they
learned more about it.
Thirty‑one
percent of self-identified Republicans favored it, compared to 13% of
self-identified Democrats.
Twenty‑eight
percent of whites favored reform compared to 8% of blacks. Twenty‑seven percent of the
college
educated and 39% of those with incomes over $20,000 favored the unit
system,
compared to 12% of high school dropouts and 8% of the under $10,000 income
group.
The key sources of political apathy
(measured by political knowledge about the unit system) in the Delta
appear to
be those in lower educational and income levels (figure 5). The greater apathy among blacks
compared to
whites is almost entirely explained by their lower income and educational
levels. An additional factor is
gender,
since the greater apathy of Delta women compared to men is only partly
explained by their lower incomes.
This
suggests that the traditional political culture of the area which
historically
relegated women to the societal role of homemaker may have depressed their
political skills and interest.
More specific indicators of public
apathy
included in the study are political knowledge (ability to recall the name
of
their U.S. Representative) and political interest (operationalized by
interest
in the coming elections for President and U.S. Senator). These data involve larger sample errors
since they were asked only of those Delta residents included in the
statewide
sample. However, they do suggest
that
more self-identified liberal and lower socioeconomic status groups, those
more
oriented towards progressive policies, are harder to mobilize to be
politically
active. For example, 77% of blacks
(compared to 64% of whites) were unable to recall the name of their U.S.
Congressman. Seventy‑nine
percent of high school dropouts (55% of college educated), 76% of those
with
incomes under $10,000 income group (55% of those in the over $20,000
group),
and 71% of the 18‑30 age group (56% of those over age 60) also were
unable
to recall their Congressman's name.
Higher socioeconomic status groups
also
expressed more interest in the upcoming political campaigns. Sixty‑five percent of those in
the
over $20,000 income group said they were very interested, compared to 56%
in
the under $10,000 group.
Fifty‑eight
percent of the college educated and only 46% of high school dropouts also
indicated they were very interested.
While 61% of those over age 60 expressed high interest, only 47% of
those under age 30 did. Indeed,
many
lower socioeconomic status groups were unable to understand ideological
terms
or unable to apply them to themselves.
Forty‑eight percent of high school dropouts and 48% of the
under
$10,000 income group were unable to identify themselves in ideological
terms,
compared to 35% of the college educated and 34% of those in the over
$20,000
income group. Forty‑six
percent
of those under age 30 and 51% of women were unable to employ ideological
terms,
compared to only 36% of those over 60 and 27% of males.
These findings suggest that public
apathy
and a lack of public understanding of the complexities of politics may be
a
major barrier to political reform in the Delta. While many residents express support for progressive
policies,
many lack trust in their public officials.
They therefore may be reluctant to trust officials' judgements
regarding
the possible need for increased public sacrifices in the form of taxes in
order
to improve the region.
Furthermore,
though more conservative, higher socioeconomic status groups tend to be
more
knowledgeable and interested in politics, they remain rather
unknowledgeable. Regardless of
socio-economic status, many residents are apathetic and unknowledgeable
about
politics.
CONCLUSIONS
Residents of the Mississippi Delta
generally are satisfied with their lives, but they also are aware of the
problems facing their region and the state, so they express strong support
for
governmental efforts to solve those problems.
Delta residents are especially supportive of increased spending to
improve education, attract industry, and help the socially
disadvantaged. In this sense public support for the
region's traditional political culture that called for minimal
governmental efforts
to improve society has faded, continuing a trend observed earlier by Bass
and
DeVries (1977: 187) who concluded "the transformation in Mississippi
in
recent years has been more swift than in any other state."
A key problem that may cause many
people,
especially the young and others desiring greater opportunities, to move
out of
their communities is a desire for better jobs.
It is likely that this is the major motivation behind Delta
citizens'
support for improved education and economic development activities. Public and private efforts to promote
these
goals should be very popular politically in the Delta region.
A few barriers to political change
are
illustrated by this study. First,
more
privileged social groups are somewhat less supportive of progressive
programs
compared to the socially disadvantaged, hence the people of the region are
not
completely united in their political and social views. Second, disadvantaged social groups are
the
least knowledgeable about and least interested in politics, which may lead
to
fewer efforts to influence public policy.
This can pose a serious problem, as public policy may better
reflect the
views of more materially well-off citizens instead of the disadvantaged
who
have a greater need of governmental assistance (Verba and Nie, 1972:
339). Finally, many citizens are cynical
about
their public officials. They may
feel
that waste and inefficiency exists in government, or that their leaders
are
unfair, insensitive, or unresponsive to their needs. Such attitudes can lead to disbelief that higher taxes are
really
necessary to solve important social problems, or to the fear that
increased
revenue would be spent on programs that the public does not place a high
priority on.
REFERENCES
Bachman, Jerald G.; Johnston, Lloyd
D.; and
O'Malley, Patrick M. 1986. "Recent Findings from 'Monitoring
the
Future: A Continuing Study of the Lifestyles and Values of Youth'",
in
Frank M. Andrews (ed.) Research on the Quality of Life. University of Michigan: Survey Research
Center, Institute for Social Research.
Bass, Jack; and DeVries, Walter. 1977.
The Transformation of Southern Politics. New York: New American
Library.
Black, Earl; and Black, Merle. 1987.
Politics and Society in the South. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University
Press.
Campbell, Angus; Converse, Philip E.;
and
Rodgers, Willard L. 1976. The Quality of American
Life. New York: Russell
Sage.
Clemente, Frank; and Sauer, William
J. 1976.
"Life Satisfaction in the United States." Social Forces 54
(March):
621-631.
Elazar, Daniel J. 1984. American
Federalism: A View from the States, 3rd edition. New York: Harper and Row.
Herzog, A. Regula; and Rodgers,
Willard
L. 1986. "Satisfaction among Older Adults," in Frank M.
Andrews
(ed.) Research on the Quality of Life.
University of Michigan: Survey Research Center, Institute for
Social
Research.
Key, V.O., Jr. 1949. Southern
Politics. New York:
Vintage.
Krane, Dale A; and Shaffer, Stephen
D. Forthcoming. Mississippi Government and Politics. Lincoln, NE; University of Nebraska
Press.
Lamis, Alexander P. 1984.
The Two-Party South.
New
York: Oxford University Press.
Michalos, Alex C. 1986. "Job
Satisfaction, Marital Satisfaction, and the Quality of Life," in
Frank M.
Andrews (ed.) Research on the Quality of Life. University of Michigan: Survey Research Center, Institute
for
Social Research.
Poole, Keith T.; and Zeigler, L.
Harmon. 1985. Women, Public Opinion, and Politics. New York: Longman.
Thomas, Melvin E.; and Hughes,
Michael. 1986.
"The Continuing Significance of Race: A Study of Race, Class,
and
Quality of Life in America, 1972-1985."
American Sociological Review 51 (December):
830-841.
Verba, Sidney; and Nie, Norman H. 1972.
Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social
Equality. New York: Harper and Row.
Wright, Gerald C. 1977.
"Contextual
Models of Electoral Behavior: The Southern Wallace Vote." American Political Science
Review, 71
(June): 497-508.
METHODOLOGICAL APPENDIX
These data were collected with
telephone
surveys conducted by the Survey Research Unit (SRU) of the Social Science
Research Center at Mississippi State University. Interviewers were trained
and
supervised from the SRU's centralized location, and used a
computer‑assisted
telephone interviewing system to collect the data. Interviewing was from April 11 to 24, 1988. Three hundred forty‑eight adult
residents of the Delta region were interviewed, as well as 517 residents
outside of the Delta region (for comparison purposes). This results in sample errors of
approximately 6.5% in the Delta and 5.3% in the remainder of the state.
Residents were selected through the
process of two stage, random digit dialing procedure which permitted the
inclusion of unlisted numbers and others not listed in telephone
directories. An unlimited number
of
call backs were permitted, and no substitutions were allowed. The difficulties of conducting
interviews in
a more socially disadvantaged area were reflected in the modest response
rate
of 60% relative to statewide surveys that are characterized by 70%
response
rates. The samples were weighted
by
education, race, and sex using estimates drawn from census data so that
all
demographic groups were represented in the sample in rough approximation
to
their presence in the population.
QUESTIONNAIRE
1. Generally speaking, would you say
that
most people can be trusted, or that you can't be too careful in dealing
with
people?
2. Taken all together, how would you
say
things are these days- Would you say that you are very happy, pretty
happy, or
not too happy?
3. We are interested in how people are
getting along financially these days.
So
far as you and your family are concerned, would you say that you are
pretty
well satisfied with your present financial situation, more or less
satisfied,
or not satisfied at all?
4. Do you agree or disagree with the
following statement: Women should take care of running their homes, and
leave
running the country up to men?
5. Do you approve or disapprove of
labor
unions?
6. How much of the time do you think
you
can trust public officials in your community to do what is right- almost
always, most of the time, only some of the time, or
rarely?
7. How likely do you think it will be
that
you will be living in your community five years from now? Definitely no, probably no, probably
yes, or
definitely yes?
8. Suppose that for some reason you
had to
move away from your community.
Would
you be very sorry to leave, somewhat sorry, somewhat pleased, very
pleased, or
wouldn't it make any difference one way or the
other?
9. Which of the following best
describes
why you would leave your community to live somewhere else? To get a better job, to find better
schools,
to find a safer place to live, to find a place with more recreational
opportunities, or I wouldn't leave for any reason.
10. [Asked only of statewide sample]
What
is the name of the United States Representative who represents your
Congressional district in Washington?
11. [Asked only of statewide sample]
How
interested are you in the coming elections for President and U.S. Senator:
not
at all, a little, somewhat, or very interested?
12. Now I'm going to ask about issues
facing state and local government.
As
you know most of the money government spends comes from the taxes you and
others pay. For each of the
following,
please tell me whether you think state and local government in Mississippi
should
be spending more, less, or about the same as now.
12A. Environmental
Programs.
12B. Programs for the
Poor.
12C. Public Grade Schools and High
Schools.
12D. Streets and
Highways.
12E. Police
Forces.
12F. Public Colleges and
Universities.
12G. Health Care and
Hospitals.
12H. Industrial Growth and
Development.
12I. Encouraging
Tourism.
12J. Child day care
facilities.
12K. Jail and prison
facilities.
13. In order to increase spending on
education and raise teachers' salaries to the Southeast average, the
legislature will have to raise taxes or cut spending on other
programs. What would you support: raising taxes,
cutting other programs, or doing some of both?
14. Do you favor the county unit
system, or
the county beat system, or haven't you heard anything about this
subject?
15. Would you say taxpayers are
spending
too much, too little, or about the right amount to educate students in
your
school district?
16. Turning to some broader
issues. Generally speaking, do you consider
yourself
a Democrat, Republican, Independent, or what?
17. In politics today, do you think of
yourself as a liberal, a conservative, or as middle-of-the-road, or don't
you
think of yourself in these terms?
18. Do you think that the
opportunities for
blacks to get ahead have improved in the last five years, remained about
the
same, or gotten worse?
19. In the next five years, do you
think
that opportunities for blacks to get ahead will improve, remain about the
same,
or get worse?
20. Do you think blacks have as good a
chance as white people to get any kind of job, or do you think white
people
have the first chance at any kind of job?
21. And now some final questions. How many years have you lived in
Mississippi?
22. What county do you live
in?
23. What was the last grade in school
that
you completed?
24. Not counting extension phones, how
many
different telephone numbers does your household
have?
25. In what year were you
born?
26. Last week, were you working
full-time,
part-time, going to school, keeping house, or what?
27. Is your race white, black, or
what?
28. [Asked only of whites] Would you
have
any objection to sending your children to a school where more than half of
the
children are black?
29. Do you agree or disagree with this
statement: Whites have a right to keep blacks from moving into their
neighborhoods if they want to, and that blacks should respect that
right?
30. Do you think that white and black
students should go to the same schools, or to separate
schools?
31. Last year, what was your total
family
income, before taxes? Please stop
me
when I am on the right level?
Under
$5,000, between $5,000 and $10,000, between $10,000 and $15,000, between
$15,000 and $20,000, between $20,000 and $25,000, between $25,000 and
$30,000,
over $30,000.
32. Respondent's
sex.
NOTES
[1]. In
the South as a whole, Earl and Merle Black find that
blacks
are slightly more attached to their communities than are
whites.
[2].
Three multiple regression analyses were conducted with each
of
the
following dependent
variables- perceptions of changes in
minority
opportunities, expectation of future minority
opportunity
changes, and perception of existing job
discrimination- regressed on the predictors of race,
income,
education,
personal happiness, trust in public officials, and
trust in people generally.
[3].
One possible explanation for greater segregationist
sentiment
among
Delta
whites compared to non-Delta whites is the political
context. Many studies have found a relationship
between
southern
white
support for racist policies and candidates and
the
percentage
of the population that is black (Wright, 1977:
497). Blacks comprise a significantly higher
percentage of the
population in the Delta than outside of the Delta.
[4].
Precise wording of questionnaire items can significantly
affect
the level
of
support for spending on public programs.
The
national
General Social Survey items fail to mention the
linkage
between
taxes
and spending, leading to an even greater tendency
for
people to
register support for increased spending than they
do when
asked
the items in this study. On the
other
hand,
questionnaire
items that caution respondents that increased
spending
on a
program would result in an increase in a specific
tax by a
specific amount would presumably decrease the level
of
support voiced for each program.
TABLE
1
VIEWS TOWARD GEOGRAPHIC
RELOCATION
Live in Community Sorry to Leave Leave Community
5 Years from Now?
Community? for Better
Job?
(% No) (% Yes) (% Yes)
All
Delta
Residents
25% 63% 50%
Race
Blacks 35 54
56
Whites 18 69
44
Family
Income
Under
$10,000 32 61
47
$10-20,000 27 56
52
Over
$20,000 18 70 57
Age
18-30 57 37
72
31-60 16 69
59
61-98 10 77
7
Education
< High
School 19 68 41
High School 32 58
50
Some
College 26 63
62
Source: April
1988
Mississippi Poll conducted by the Survey Research Unit of the Social
Science
Research Center, Mississippi State University.
TABLE
2
ATTITUDES TOWARD LIFE IN
GENERAL
Personal Financial Trust Trust
Public
Happiness Situation People
Officials
(%
Unhappy) (% Dis- (% Low) (% Rarely)
satisfied)
All
Delta
Residents
20% 25% 60% 17%
Race
Blacks 25 39
73
22
Whites 16 15
49 14
Education
< High
School 27 29
70
22
High School 16 27
57
17
Some
College 15 18
49
12
Family
Income
Under
$10,000 23 39 67 22
$10-20,000 25 27
69
21
Over
$20,000 9 11
43
13
Age
18-30 15 29
69
21
31-60 22 27
56 15
61-98 21 18
56
17
Source: April
1988
Mississippi Poll conducted by the Survey Research Unit of the Social
Science
Research Center, Mississippi State University.
TABLE
3
EQUAL OPPORTUNITY
OPINIONS
Black Opportunity Black Opportunity Equal Job
Has Improved? Will
Continue
to Opportunity (% Yes) Improve (% Yes) (% No)
All
Delta
Residents
71% 62%
40%
Race
Blacks 53 56
67
Whites 85 65
20
Sex
Women 66 56 40
Men 78
68
39
Age
18-30 66 61 40
31-60 70 64 44
61-98 79 58 32
Family
Income
Under
$10,000 59 50
48
$10-20,000 73 66
45
Over
$20,000 86 70
32
Employment
Full Time
Worker 71 63
47
Non-Full
Time
Worker 71
60
33
Source: April
1988
Mississippi Poll conducted by the Survey Research Unit of the Social
Science
Research Center, Mississippi State University.
TABLE
4
RACIAL INTEGRATION
VIEWS
School Object To Sending Neighborhood
Integration Own Children To Integration
(% Against) Majority Black School (% Against)
[Whites
Only]
(%
Objecting)
All
Delta
Residents
18% 37%
31%
Race
Blacks 4 -
23
Whites 30
37
37
Age
18-30 5 41
20
31-60 17 38
32
61-98 35 33
38
Education
< High
School 20 33
41
High School 22 38
24
Some
College 11 40
23
Source: April
1988 Mississippi
Poll conducted by the Survey Research Unit of the Social Science Research
Center, Mississippi State University.
TABLE
5
SPENDING ON PUBLIC
PROGRAMS
(% saying spend
more)
Public College Attract
Streets Pro- Health
Day
Grade and Indus- and
gram Care/ Care
& High Univer-
try High- for
Hos-
School sities ways
Poor
pital
All
Delta
Residents
78% 74% 76%
78% 65% 74%
59%
Race
Blacks 87 88 81 86
90 86 83
Whites 71 63 73 73
47 65 38
Party
Identification
Democrats 84 78 82 83
79 86 69
Independents 78
75 74 72
53 72 51
Republicans 65
55 60 72
41 45 36
Ideology
Liberal 82 64 73 85 76 81
59
Moderate 87 78 85 79
68 74 57
Conservative 74
67 67 74
56 61 53
Sex
Men 75 67 76 80
60 74 49
Women 81 80 77 77
69 75 67
Age
18-30 71 73 67 77
76 75 59
31-60 84 76 84 80
63 78 60
61-98 75 70 71 75 57 67
57
Education
< High
School 73
80 76 84
73 86 63
High School 82
69 78 81
64 70 58
Some
College 80
72 75 67
56 64 54
Family
Income
Under
$10,000 76
77 76 81
88 87 77
$10-20,000 86
76 84 80
72 85 57
Over
$20,000 77
68 73 77
40 55 47
Source: April
1988
Mississippi Poll conducted by the Survey Research Unit of the Social
Science
Research Center, Mississippi State University.
TABLE
6
SUPPORT FOR POLITICAL
REFORM
Women Should Labor Attitude
Toward
Stay At Home Unions County Unit System
(% Disagree) (% Approve) (% For)(% Against)(%
Don't
Know)
All
Delta
Residents
57% 57% 20% 9%
71%
Age
18-30 70 75 12 10 78
31-60 59 57
20 11 69
61-98 40 36
25 5 70
Education
< High
School 40 54
12 5 83
High School 68 64 21 11 68
Some
College 65 53
27 12 61
Sex
Men 50 46
26 11 63
Women 63 69
14 8 78
Party
Identification
Democrats 55 69
13 11 76
Independents 61 49
27 7 66
Republicans 55 37
31 6 63
Race
Blacks 56 77
8
9
83
Whites 58 41
28 9 63
Family
Income
Under
$10,000 50 71
8 9 83
$10-20,000 56 61
9 8 83
Over
$20,000 61 43
39 11 50
Source: April
1988
Mississippi Poll conducted by the Survey Research Unit of the Social
Science
Research Center, Mississippi State University.